SMH, damn wheelbarrow barbarians, when will they learn?
in the 1940s germans ran over italy twice. wheelbarrow prevails.
@Akon City II kuja tusome
[SIZE=7]The Ambush That Changed History[/SIZE]
“This is the soil of 2,000 years ago, where we are standing now,” Susanne Wilbers-Rost was saying as a young volunteer pried a small, dark clod out of it. Wilbers-Rost, a specialist in early German archaeology, peered through wire-rimmed glasses, brushed away some earth, and handed an object to me. “You’re holding a nail from a Roman soldier’s sandal,” she said. Atrim, short-haired woman, Wilbers-Rost has worked at the site, which is ten miles north of the manufacturing city of Osnabrück, Germany, since 1990. Inch by inch, several young archaeologists under her direction are bringing to light a battlefield that was lost for almost 2,000 years, until an off-duty British Army officer stumbled across it in 1987.
The sandal nail was a minor discovery, extracted from the soil beneath an overgrown pasture at the base of Kalkriese (the word may derive from Old High German for limestone), a 350-foot-high hill in an area where uplands slope down to the north German plain. But it was further proof that one of the pivotal events in European history took place here: in A.D. 9, three crack legions of Rome’s army were caught in an ambush and annihilated. Ongoing finds—ranging from simple nails to fragments of armor and the remains of fortifications—have verified the innovative guerrilla tactics that according to accounts from the period, neutralized the Romans’ superior weaponry and discipline.
It was a defeat so catastrophic that it threatened the survival of Rome itself and halted the empire’s conquest of Germany. “This was a battle that changed the course of history,” says Peter S. Wells, a specialist in Iron Age European archaeology at the University of Minnesota and the author of The Battle That Stopped Rome. “It was one of the most devastating defeats ever suffered by the Roman Army, and its consequences were the most far-reaching. The battle led to the creation of a militarized frontier in the middle of Europe that endured for 400 years, and it created a boundary between Germanic and Latin cultures that lasted 2,000 years.” Had Rome not been defeated, says historian Herbert W. Benario, emeritus professor of classics at EmoryUniversity, a very different Europe would have emerged. “Almost all of modern Germany as well as much of the present-day CzechRepublic would have come under Roman rule. All Europe west of the Elbe might well have remained Roman Catholic; Germans would be speaking a Romance language; the Thirty Years’ War might never have occurred, and the long, bitter conflict between the French and the Germans might never have taken place.”
Founded (at least according to legend) in 753 b.c., Rome spent its formative decades as little more than an overgrown village. But within a few hundred years, Rome had conquered much of the Italian peninsula, and by 146 b.c., had leapt into the ranks of major powers by defeating Carthage, which controlled much of the western Mediterranean. By the beginning of the Christian Era, Rome’s sway extended from Spain to Asia Minor, and from the North Sea to the Sahara. The imperial navy had turned the Mediterranean into a Roman lake, and everywhere around the rim of the empire, Rome’s defeated enemies feared her legions—or so it seemed to optimistic Romans. “Germania” (the name referred originally to a particular tribe along the Rhine), meanwhile, did not exist as a nation at all. Various Teutonic tribes lay scattered across a vast wilderness that reached from present-day Holland to Poland. The Romans knew little of this densely forested territory governed by fiercely independent chieftains. They would pay dearly for their ignorance.
There are many reasons, according to ancient historians, that the imperial Roman legate Publius Quinctilius Varus set out so confidently that September in a.d. 9. He led an estimated 15,000 seasoned legionnaires from their summer quarters on the WeserRiver, in what is now northwestern Germany, west toward permanent bases near the Rhine. They were planning to investigate reports of an uprising among local tribes. Varus, 55, was linked by marriage to the imperial family and had served as Emperor Augustus’ representative in the province of Syria (which included modern Lebanon and Israel), where he had quelled ethnic disturbances. To Augustus, he must have seemed just the man to bring Roman civilization to the barbarous” tribes of Germany.
Like his patrons in Rome, Varus thought occupying Germany would be easy. “Varus was a very good administrator, but he was not a soldier,” says Benario. “To send him out into an unconquered land and tell him to make a province of it was a huge blunder on Augustus’ part.”
Rome’s imperial future was by no means foreordained. At age 35, Augustus, the first emperor, still styled himself “first citizen” in deference to lingering democratic sensibilities of the fallen RomanRepublic, whose demise—after the assassination of Caesar—had brought him to power in 27 b.c., following a century of bloody civil wars. During Augustus’ rule, Rome had grown into the largest city in the world, with a population that may have approached one million.
The German frontier held a deep allure for Augustus, who regarded the warring tribes east of the Rhine as little more than savages ripe for conquest. Between 6 b.c. and a.d. 4, Roman legions had mounted repeated incursions into the tribal lands, eventually establishing a chain of bases on the Lippe and Weser rivers. In time, despite growing resentment of the Roman presence, the tribes exchanged iron, cattle, slaves and foodstuffs for Roman gold and silver coins and luxury goods. Some tribes even pledged allegiance to Rome; German mercenaries served with Roman armies as far away as the present-day Czech Republic.
One such German soldier of fortune, a 25-year-old prince of the Cherusci tribe, was known to the Romans as Arminius. (His tribal name has been lost to history.) He spoke Latin and was familiar with Roman tactics, the kind of man the Romans relied on to help their armies penetrate the lands of the barbarians. For his valor on the field of battle, he had been awarded the rank of knight and the honor of Roman citizenship. On that September day, he and his mounted auxiliaries were deputized to march ahead and rally some of his own tribesmen to help in putting down the rebellion.
Arminius’ motives are obscure, but most historians believe he had long harbored dreams of becoming king of his tribe. To achieve his goal, he concocted a brilliant deception: he would report a fictitious “uprising” in territory unfamiliar to the Romans, then lead them into a deadly trap. A rival chieftain, Segestes, repeatedly warned Varus that Arminius was a traitor, but Varus ignored him. “The Romans,” says Wells, “thought they were invincible.”
Arminius had instructed the Romans to make what he had described as a short detour, a one- or two-day march, into the territory of the rebels.The legionnaires followed along rudimentary trails that meandered among the Germans’ farmsteads, scattered fields, pastures, bogs and oak forests. As they progressed, the line of Roman troops—already seven or eight miles long, including local auxiliaries, camp followers and a train of baggage carts pulled by mules—became dangerously extended. The legionnaires, wrote third-century historian Cassius Dio, “were having a hard time of it, felling trees, building roads, and bridging places that required it. . . . Meanwhile, a violent rain and wind came up that separated them still further, while the ground, that had become slippery around the roots and logs, made walking very treacherous for them, and the tops of the trees kept breaking off and falling down, causing much confusion. While the Romans were in such difficulties, the barbarians suddenly surrounded them on all sides at once,” Dio writes of the preliminary German skirmishes. “At first they hurled their volleys from a distance; then, as no one defended himself and many were wounded, they approached closer to them.” Somehow, the command to attack had gone out to the German tribes. “This is pure conjecture,” says Benario, “but Arminius must have delivered a message that the Germans should begin their assault.”
The nearest Roman base lay at Haltern, 60 miles to the southwest. So Varus, on the second day, pressed on doggedly in that direction. On the third day, he and his troops were entering a passage between a hill and a huge swamp known as the Great Bog that, in places, was no more than 60 feet wide. As the increasingly chaotic and panicky mass of legionnaires, cavalrymen, mules and carts inched forward, Germans appeared from behind trees and sand-mound barriers, cutting off all possibility of retreat. “In open country, the superbly drilled and disciplined Romans would surely have prevailed,” says Wells. “But here, with no room to maneuver, exhausted after days of hit-and-run attacks, unnerved, they were at a crippling disadvantage.”
Varus understood that there was no escape. Rather than face certain torture at the hands of the Germans, he chose suicide, falling on his sword as Roman tradition prescribed. Most of his commanders followed suit, leaving their troops leaderless in what had become a killing field. “An army unexcelled in bravery, the first of Roman armies in discipline, in energy, and in experience in the field, through the negligence of its general, the perfidy of the enemy, and the unkindness of fortune. . . . was exterminated almost to a man by the very enemy whom it has always slaughtered like cattle,” according to the a.d. 30 account of Velleius Paterculus, a retired military officer who may have known both Varus and Arminius.
Only a handful of survivors managed somehow to escape into the forest and make their way to safety. The news they brought home so shocked the Romans that many ascribed it to supernatural causes, claiming a statue of the goddess Victory had ominously reversed direction. The historian Suetonius, writing a century after the battle, asserted that the defeat “nearly wrecked the empire.” Roman writers, says Wells, “were baffled by the disaster.” Though they blamed the hapless Varus, or the treachery of Arminius, or the wild landscape, in reality, says Wells, “the local societies were much more complex than the Romans thought. They were an informed, dynamic, rapidly changing people, who practiced complex farming, fought in organized military units, and communicated with each other across very great distances.”
More than 10 percent of the entire imperial army had been wiped out—the myth of its invincibility shattered. In the wake of the debacle, Roman bases in Germany were hastily abandoned. Augustus, dreading that Arminius would march on Rome, expelled all Germans and Gauls from the city and put security forces on alert against insurrections.
Six years would pass before a Roman army would return to the battle site. The scene the soldiers found was horrific. Heaped across the field at Kalkriese lay the whitening bones of dead men and animals, amid fragments of their shattered weapons. In nearby groves they found “barbarous altars” upon which the Germans had sacrificed the legionnaires who surrendered. Human heads were nailed everywhere to trees. In grief and anger, the aptly named Germanicus, the Roman general leading the expedition, ordered his men to bury the remains, in the words of Tacitus, “not a soldier knowing whether he was interring the relics of a relative or a stranger, but looking on all as kinsfolk and of their own blood, while their wrath rose higher than ever against the foe.”
Germanicus, ordered to campaign against the Cherusci, still under the command of Arminius, pursued the tribe deep into Germany. But the wily chieftain retreated into the forests, until, after a series of bloody but indecisive clashes, Germanicus fell back to the Rhine, defeated. Arminius was “the liberator of Germany,” Tacitus wrote, “a man who, . . . threw down the challenge to the Roman nation.”
For a time, tribes flocked to join Arminius’ growing coalition. But as his power grew, jealous rivals began to defect from his cause. He “fell by the treachery of his relatives,” Tacitus records, in a.d. 21.
With the abdication of the Romans from Germany, the Kalkriese battlefield was gradually forgotten. Even the Roman histories that recorded the debacle were lost, sometime after the fifth century, during the collapse of the empire under the onslaught of barbarian invasions. But in the 1400s, humanist scholars in Germany rediscovered the works of Tacitus, including his account of Varus’ defeat. As a consequence, Arminius was hailed as the first national hero of Germany. “The myth of Arminius,” says Benario, “helped give Germans their first sense that there had been a German people that transcended the hundreds of small duchies that filled the political landscape of the time.” By 1530, even Martin Luther praised the ancient German chieftain as a “war leader” (and updated his name to “Hermann”). Three centuries later, Heinrich von Kleist’s 1809 play, Hermann’s Battle, invoked the hero’s exploits to encourage his countrymen to fight Napoleon and his invading armies. By 1875, as German militarism surged, Hermann had been embraced as the nation’s paramount historical symbol; a titanic copper statue of the ancient warrior, crowned with a winged helmet and brandishing his sword menacingly toward France, was erected on a mountaintop 20 miles south of Kalkriese, near Detmold, where many scholars then believed the battle took place. At 87 feet high, and mounted on an 88-foot stone base, it was the largest statue in the world until the Statue of Liberty was dedicated in 1886. Not surprisingly, the monument became a popular destination for Nazi pilgrimages during the 1930s. But the actual location of the battle remained a mystery. More than 700 sites, ranging from the Netherlands to eastern Germany, were proposed.
Amateur archaeologist Tony Clunn of Britain’s Royal Tank Regiment was hoping for a chance to indulge his interest when he arrived at his new posting in Osnabrück in the spring of 1987. (He had previously assisted archaeologists in England during his spare time, using a metal detector to search for traces of Roman roads.) Captain Clunn introduced himself to the director of the Osnabrück museum, Wolfgang Schlüter, and asked him for guidance. The British officer promised to turn over to the museum anything he found.
“In the beginning, all I had ever hoped to find was the odd Roman coin or artifact,” Clunn, who retired from the army with the rank of major in 1996, told me, as we sat drinking tea in a café next to the Varusschlacht (Varus Battle) Museum and Park Kalkriese, which opened in 2002. Schlüter had suggested that he try the rural Kalkriese area, where a few coins had already been found. Clunn planned his assault with a soldier’s eye to detail. He pored over old maps, studied regional topography and read extensively about the battle, including a treatise by 19th-century historian Theodor Mommsen, who had speculated that it took place somewhere near Kalkriese, although few agreed with him.
As Clunn drove around Kalkriese in his black Ford Scorpio, introducing himself to local farmers, he saw a landscape that had changed significantly since Roman times. Forests of oak, alder and beech had long since given way to cultivated fields and copses of pine. Stolid modern farm buildings with red-tile roofs stood in place of the huts of the ancient tribesmen. The Great Bog itself had disappeared, drained in the 19th century; it was now bucolic pastureland.
Using an old hand-drawn map he got from a local landowner, Clunn noted the locations of earlier coin finds. “The secret is to look for the easy route that people would have taken in ancient times,” he says. “No one wants to dig
a lot of unnecessary holes in the ground. So you look for the most logical spot to start searching—for example, a pass where a trail might narrow, a bottleneck.” Clunn focused on the area between where the Great Bog had been and Kalkriese Hill. As he walked, sweeping his metal detector from side to side, he noticed a slight elevation. “I sensed it was an old trackway, perhaps a path across the bog,” he says. He began following the elevation, working backward toward the hills.
Before long, a ringing in his earphones indicated metal in the earth. He bent over, carefully cut away a small square of turf with a trowel, and began to dig, sifting the peaty soil through his fingers. He dug down about eight inches. “Then I saw it!” Clunn exclaims. In his hand lay a small, round silvercoin, blackened with age—a Roman denarius, stamped on one side with the aquiline features of Augustus, and on the other, with two warriors armed with battle shields and spears. “I could scarcely believe it,” he says. “I was transfixed.” Soon he found a second denarius, then a third. Who lost these? He asked himself, and what had the coin carrier been doing—running, riding, walking? Before Clunn left the area for the day, he carefully logged the location of the coins on his grid map, sealed them in plastic pouches and restored the clods of dirt.
The next time Clunn returned to Kalkriese, his metal detector signaled another find: at a depth of about a foot, he discovered another denarius. This one, too, bore a likeness of Augustus on one side, and on the other, a bull with head lowered, as if about to charge. By the end of the day, Clunn had unearthed no fewer than 89 coins. The following weekend, he found still more, for a total of 105, none minted later than the reign of Augustus. The vast majority were in pristine condition, as if they had been little circulated when they were lost.
In the months that followed, Clunn continued his explorations, always turning over his finds to Schlüter. Along with coins, he discovered shards of lead and bronze, nails, fragments of a groma (a distinctive Roman road-surveying device) and three curious ovoid pieces of lead that German scholars identified as sling shot. “Slowly but surely a cohesive pattern began to emerge,” says Clunn. “There was every indication that a large contingent of people had splayed out from the area at the apex to the field, fleeing from an unknown horror.” Clunn began to suspect that he had found what was left of Varus’ lost legions.
Thanks to Schlüter’s contacts in German academia, the site was recognized, almost immediately, as a major discovery. Professional archaeologists under the direction of Schlüter and, later, Wilbers-Rost undertook systematic excavations. They were fortunate: sometime in the past, local farmers had covered the poor sandy subsoil with a thick layer of sod that had protected the undiscovered artifacts below.
Since the early 1990s, excavations have located battle debris along a corridor almost 15 miles long from east to west, and a little more than 1 mile from north to south, offering additional proof that it unfolded over many miles, before reaching its dreadful climax at Kalkriese.
Perhaps the most important single discovery was evidence of a wall 4 feet high and 12 feet thick, built of sand and reinforced by chunks of sod. “Arminius learned much from his service with the Romans,” says Wilbers-Rost. “He knew their tactics and their weak points. The wall zigzagged so that the Germans on top of it could attack the Romans from two angles. They could stand on the wall, or rush out through gaps in it to attack the Roman flank, and then run back behind it for safety.” Concentrations of artifacts were found in front of the wall, suggesting that the Romans had tried to scale it. The dearth of objects behind it testifies to their failure to do so.
The more the archaeologists excavated, the more they appreciated the immensity of the massacre. Clearly, Arminius and his men had scoured the battlefield after the slaughter and carried off everything of value, including Roman armor, helmets, gold and silver, utensils and weapons. Most of what archaeologists have unearthed consists of items the victors failed to notice, or dropped as they looted. Still, there have been some spectacular finds, including the remnants of a Roman officer’s scabbard and, most notably, a Roman standard-bearer’s magnificent silver face mask. They also uncovered coins stamped with the letters “VAR,” for Varus, which the ill-fated commander had awarded his troops for meritorious service.
In all, Wilbers-Rost’s team has found more than 5,000 objects: human bones (including several skulls gruesomely split by swords), spearheads, bits of iron, harness rings, metal studs, pieces of armor, iron nails, tent pegs, scissors, bells that once hung from the necks of Roman mules, a wine strainer and medical instruments. Many of these objects, cleaned and restored, are on display in the museum at the site. (Archaeologists also found fragments of bombs that Allied planes dropped on the area during World War II.)
Clunn, now 59, still works, as a staff officer, for the British military in Osnabrück. One recent afternoon, amid intermittent cloudbursts, he and I drove east from Kalkriese along the route that Varus’ army most likely followed on the last day of its harrowing march. We stopped at a low hill on the outskirts of the village of Schwagstorf. From the car, I could barely detect the rise in the ground, but Clunn assured me that this was the highest s ot in the vicinity. “It’s the only place that offers any natural defense,” he said. Here, he has found the same types of coins and artifacts that have been unearthed at Kalkriese; he hopes that future excavationswill determine that the battered Roman forces attempted to regroup here shortly before they met their doom. As we stood at the edge of a traffic circle and gazed across a cornfield, he added: “I’m convinced that this is the site of Varus’ last camp.”
Goddamit, I wanted to be the history nerd talking about the battle of the Teutoburg forest.
@Akon City II
Battle of the Teutoburg Forest
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Battle of the Teutoburg Forest
Part of the Early Imperial campaigns in Germania
A stone carving, the border resembling a Greco-Roman building, displaying three busts, slightly damaged, the centremost being that of Marcus Caelius, wearing armour, a cape and holding a staff of office in his right hand. Below the carving is a Latin inscription.
Cenotaph of Marcus Caelius, 1st centurion of XVIII, who “fell in the war of Varus” (‘bello Variano’).
Reconstructed inscription: “To Marcus Caelius, son of Titus, of the Lemonian tribe, from Bologna, first centurion of the eighteenth legion. 53+1⁄2 years old. He fell in the Varian War. His freedman’s bones may be interred here. Publius Caelius, son of Titus, of the Lemonian tribe, his brother, erected (this monument).”[1]
Date c. September AD 9
Location
Probably Osnabrück district, Lower Saxony
Result Germanic victory
Territorial
changes a limes in the Rhine
Belligerents
Allied Germanic peoples
(probably including Cherusci, Marsi, Chatti, and Bructeri) Roman Empire
Commanders and leaders
Arminius
Segimer Publius Quinctilius Varus †
Units involved
Unknown
Legions XVII, XVIII & XIX
6 auxiliary cohorts
3 cavalry squadrons (alae)
Strength
Unknown, but estimated at 15,000[2] 14,000–22,752[3]
Unknown non-combatants[3]
Casualties and losses
Unknown, but minor. 16,000[4]–20,000 killed.[5]
Almost the entire army destroyed, some may have been sold into slavery, a small number of Roman soldiers escaped back to Roman territory[6]
vte
Roman–Germanic wars
The Battle of the Teutoburg Forest, described as the Varian Disaster (Clades Variana) by Roman historians, took place at modern Kalkriese in AD 9, when an alliance of Germanic peoples ambushed Roman legions and their auxiliaries, led by Publius Quinctilius Varus. The alliance was led by Arminius, a Germanic officer of Varus’s auxilia. Arminius had acquired Roman citizenship and had received a Roman military education, which enabled him to deceive the Roman commander methodically and anticipate the Roman army’s tactical responses.
Teutoburg Forest is commonly seen as one of the most important defeats in Roman history, bringing the triumphant period of expansion under Augustus to an abrupt end. The outcome of this battle dissuaded the Romans from their ambition of conquering Germania, and is thus considered one of the most important events in European history.[7] The provinces of Germania Superior and Germania Inferior, sometimes collectively referred to as Roman Germania, were subsequently established in northeast Roman Gaul, while territories beyond the Rhine remained independent of Roman control. Retaliatory campaigns were commanded by Tiberius and Germanicus and would enjoy success, but the Rhine would eventually become the border between the Roman Empire and the rest of Germania. The Roman Empire would launch no other major incursion into Germania until Marcus Aurelius (r. 161–180) during the Marcomannic Wars.[8]
Some of the descendants of the vassal kingdoms, like the Suebi, (by suzerainty) that Augustus tried to create in Germania to expand the romanitas and the Empire in a peaceful way, would be the ones that invaded the Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries.[9][10]
Contents
1 Background
2 Battles
3 Aftermath
4 Roman retaliation
4.1 Germanicus’ campaign against the Germanic coalition
4.2 Later campaigns
5 Impact on Roman expansion
6 Site of the battle
6.1 Alternative theories
7 In popular culture
8 German nationalism
8.1 Paintings of the 19th century
9 See also
10 Notes
11 References
12 Sources
12.1 Ancient sources
12.2 20th century
12.3 21st century
13 External links
Background
Main article: Early Imperial campaigns in Germania
Map showing the defeat of Publius Quinctilius Varus at Kalkriese
Invasions of Drusus I in 12–8 BC
Invasions of Tiberius and Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus in c. 3 BC–AD 6
Following the attacks of Drusus I in 11–9 BC, Arminius, along with his brother Flavus,[11][12] was sent to Rome as tribute by their father, Segimerus the Conqueror,[13][14] chieftain of the noblest house in the tribe of the Cherusci. Arminius then spent his youth in Rome as a hostage, where he received a military education, and was even given the rank of Equestrian. During Arminius’ absence, Segimerus was declared a coward by the other Germanic chieftains, because he had submitted to Roman rule, a crime punishable by death under Germanic law. Between 11 BC and AD 4 , hostility and suspicion among the allied Germanic peoples deepened. Trade and political accords between the warlords deteriorated.[a] In AD 4 the Roman general (and later emperor) Tiberius entered Germania and subjugated the Cananefates in Germania Inferior, the Chatti[b] near the upper Weser River, and the Bructeri south of the Kalkriese. After these conquests he led his army across the Weser.
In early AD 6, Legatus Gaius Sentius Saturninus[17][18] and Consul Legatus Marcus Aemilius Lepidus led a massive army of 13 legions and their entourage, totalling around 100,000 men (65,000 heavy infantry legionaries, 10,000–20,000 cavalrymen, archers, and 10,000–20,000 civilians) against Maroboduus,[19][20] the king of the Marcomanni, who were a tribe of the Suebi.[c] Later in 6 AD, leadership of the Roman force was turned over to Publius Quinctilius Varus, a nobleman and experienced administrative official from a patrician family[19] who was related to the Imperial family.[22] He was assigned to consolidate the new province of Germania in the autumn of that year.[19]
Tiberius was then forced to turn his attention to the Bellum Batonianum, also known as the Great Illyrian Revolt, which broke out in the Balkan province of Illyricum. Led by Bato the Daesitiate,[23] Bato the Breucian,[24] Pinnes of Pannonia,[25] and elements of the Marcomanni, it lasted nearly four years. Tiberius was forced to stop his campaign against Maroboduus and recognise him as king[26] so that he could then send his eight legions (VIII Augusta, XV Apollinaris, XX Valeria Victrix, XXI Rapax, XIII Gemina, XIV Gemina, XVI Gallica and an unknown unit)[27] to crush the rebellion in the Balkans.
Nearly half of all Roman legions in existence were sent to the Balkans to end the revolt, which was itself triggered by constant neglect, endemic food shortages, high taxes, and harsh behaviour on the part of the Roman tax collectors. This campaign, led by Tiberius and Quaestor Legatus Germanicus under Emperor Augustus, was one of the most difficult, and most crucial, in the history of the Roman Empire. Due to this massive redeployment of available legions, when Varus was named Legatus Augusti pro praetore in Germania, only three legions were available to him.
Varus’s name and deeds were well known beyond the empire because of his ruthlessness and crucifixion of insurgents. While he was feared by the people, he was highly respected by the Roman Senate. On the Rhine, he was in command of the XVII, XVIII, and XIX legions. These had previously been led by General Gaius Sentius Saturninus, who had been sent back to Rome after being awarded the ornamenta triumphalia.[28] The other two legions in the winter-quarters of the army at castrum Moguntiacum[29] were led by Varus’ nephew, Lucius Nonius Asprenas,[27] and perhaps Lucius Arruntius.
After his return from Rome, Arminius became a trusted advisor to Varus,[30] but in secret he forged an alliance of Germanic peoples that had traditionally been enemies. These probably included the Cherusci,[19] Marsi,[19] Chatti,[19] and Bructeri.[19] These were some of the fifty Germanic tribes at the time.[31] Using the collective outrage over Varus’ tyrannous insolence and wanton cruelty to the conquered,[29] Arminius was able to unite the disorganized groups who had submitted in sullen hatred to the Roman dominion, and maintain the alliance until the most opportune moment to strike.[32]
The Teutoburg Forest on a foggy and rainy day
Following the transfer of eight of eleven legions present in Germania to the Balkans, only three legions faced the Germanic tribesmen.[27] This represented the perfect opportunity for Arminius to defeat Varus.[26] While Varus was on his way from his summer camp west of the River Weser to winter headquarters near the Rhine, he heard reports of a local rebellion, reports which had been fabricated by Arminius.[20] Edward Shepherd Creasy writes that “This was represented to Varus as an occasion which required his prompt attendance on the spot; but he was kept in studied ignorance of its being part of a concerted national rising; and he still looked on Arminius as his submissive vassal”.[33]
Varus decided to quell this uprising immediately, expediting his response by taking a detour through territory that was unfamiliar to the Romans. Arminius, who accompanied him, directed him along a route that would facilitate an ambush.[20] Another Cheruscan nobleman, Segestes, brother of Segimerus and unwilling father-in-law to Arminius,[14][34] warned Varus the night before the Roman forces departed, allegedly suggesting that Varus should apprehend Arminius, along with other Germanic leaders whom he identified as participants in the planned uprising. His warning, however, was dismissed as stemming from the personal feud between Segestes and Arminius. Arminius then left under the pretext of drumming up Germanic forces to support the Roman campaign. Once free from prying eyes, he immediately led his troops in a series of attacks on the surrounding Roman garrisons.
Recent archaeological finds place the battle at Kalkriese Hill in Osnabrück county, Lower Saxony.[19] On the basis of Roman accounts, the Romans were marching northwest from what is now the city of Detmold, passing east of Osnabrück after camping in the area, prior to the attack.
Battles
Autumn in Teutoburg Forest
Varus’ forces included his three legions (Legio XVII, Legio XVIII and Legio XIX), six cohorts of auxiliary troops (non-citizens or allied troops) and three squadrons of cavalry (alae). Most of these lacked combat experience, both with regard to Germanic fighters, and under the prevalent local conditions. The Roman forces were not marching in combat formation, and were interspersed with large numbers of camp followers. As they entered the forest northeast of Osnabrück, they found the track narrow and muddy. According to Dio Cassius a violent storm had also arisen. He also writes that Varus neglected to send out reconnaissance parties ahead of the main body of troops.
The line of march was now stretched out perilously long—between 15 and 20 kilometres (9.3 and 12.4 mi).[30] It was in this state when it came under attack by Germanic warriors armed with light swords, large lances and narrow-bladed short spears called fremae. The attackers surrounded the entire Roman army, and rained down javelins on the intruders.[35] Arminius, recalling his education in Rome, understood his enemies’ tactics, and was able to direct his troops to counter them effectively by using locally superior numbers against the dispersed Roman legions. The Romans managed to set up a fortified night camp, and the next morning broke out into the open country north of the Wiehen Hills, near the modern town of Ostercappeln. The break-out was accompanied by heavy losses to the Roman survivors, as was a further attempt to escape by marching through another forested area, as the torrential rains continued.
Reconstruction of the improvised fortifications prepared by the Germanic coalition for the final phase of the Varus battle near Kalkriese
The Romans undertook a night march to escape, but marched into another trap that Arminius had set, at the foot of Kalkriese Hill. There a sandy, open strip on which the Romans could march was constricted by the hill, so that there was a gap of only about 100 metres (330 ft) between the woods and the swampland at the edge of the Great Bog. The road was further blocked by a trench, and, towards the forest, an earthen wall had been built along the roadside, permitting the Germanic alliance to attack the Romans from cover. The Romans made a desperate attempt to storm the wall, but failed, and the highest-ranking officer next to Varus, Legatus Numonius Vala, abandoned the troops by riding off with the cavalry. His retreat was in vain, however, as he was overtaken by the Germanic cavalry and killed shortly thereafter, according to Velleius Paterculus. The Germanic warriors then stormed the field and slaughtered the disintegrating Roman forces. Varus committed suicide,[30] and Velleius reports that one commander, Praefectus Ceionius, surrendered, then later took his own life,[36] while his colleague Praefectus Eggius died leading his doomed troops.
Roman casualties have been estimated at 15,000–20,000 dead, and many of the officers were said to have taken their own lives by falling on their swords in the approved manner.[30] Tacitus wrote that many officers were sacrificed by the Germanic forces as part of their indigenous religious ceremonies, cooked in pots and their bones used for rituals.[37] Others were ransomed, and some common soldiers appear to have been enslaved.
Germanic warriors storm the field, Varusschlacht, 1909
All Roman accounts stress the completeness of the Roman defeat, and the finds at Kalkriese of 6,000 pieces of Roman equipment, but only a single item that is clearly Germanic (part of a spur), suggest few Germanic losses. However, the victors would most likely have removed the bodies of their fallen, and their practice of burying their warriors’ battle gear with them would have contributed to the lack of Germanic relics. Additionally, as many as several thousand Germanic soldiers were deserting militiamen and wore Roman armour, and thus would appear to be “Roman” in the archaeological digs. It is known, too, that the Germanic peoples wore perishable organic material, such as leather, and less metal than the Roman legionaries.
The victory was followed by a clean sweep of all Roman forts, garrisons and cities (of which there were at least two) east of the Rhine; the two Roman legions remaining in Germania, commanded by Varus’ nephew Lucius Nonius Asprenas, simply tried to hold the Rhine. One fort, Aliso, most likely located in today’s Haltern am See,[38] fended off the Germanic alliance for many weeks, perhaps even a few months. After the situation became untenable, the garrison under Lucius Caedicius, accompanied by survivors of Teutoburg Forest, broke through the siege and reached the Rhine. They had resisted long enough for Nonius Asprenas to have organized the Roman defence on the Rhine with two legions and Tiberius to have arrived with a new army, together preventing Arminius from crossing the Rhine and invading Gaul.[39][40]
Aftermath
Political situation in Germania after the battle of the Teutoburg Forest. In pink the anti-Roman Germanic coalition led by Arminius. In dark green, territories still directly held by the Romans, in yellow the Roman client states
Upon hearing of the defeat, the Emperor Augustus, according to the Roman historian Suetonius in The Twelve Caesars, was so shaken that he stood butting his head against the walls of his palace, repeatedly shouting:
Quintili Vare, legiones redde! (Quintilius Varus, give me back my legions!)
The legion numbers XVII, XVIII and XIX were not used again by the Romans.[41] This was in contrast to other legions that were reestablished after suffering defeat.
The battle abruptly ended the period of triumphant Roman expansion that followed the end of the Civil Wars forty years earlier. Augustus’ stepson Tiberius took effective control, and prepared for the continuation of the war. Legio II Augusta, XX Valeria Victrix and XIII Gemina were sent to the Rhine to replace the lost legions.
Arminius sent Varus’ severed head to Maroboduus, king of the Marcomanni, the other most powerful Germanic ruler, with the offer of an anti-Roman alliance. Maroboduus declined, sending the head to Rome for burial, and remained neutral throughout the ensuing war. Only thereafter did a brief, inconclusive war break out between the two Germanic leaders.[42]
Roman retaliation
Germanicus’ campaign against the Germanic coalition
The Roman commander Germanicus was the opponent of Arminius in 14–16 AD
Though the shock at the slaughter was enormous, the Romans immediately began a slow, systematic process of preparing for the reconquest of the country. In 14 AD, just after Augustus’ death and the accession of his heir and stepson Tiberius, a massive raid was conducted by the new emperor’s nephew Germanicus. He attacked the Marsi with the element of surprise. The Bructeri, Tubanti and Usipeti were roused by the attack and ambushed Germanicus on the way to his winter quarters, but were defeated with heavy losses.[43][44]
The next year was marked by two major campaigns and several smaller battles with a large army estimated at 55,000–70,000 men, backed by naval forces. In spring 15 AD, Legatus Caecina Severus invaded the Marsi a second time with about 25,000–30,000 men, causing great havoc. Meanwhile, Germanicus’ troops had built a fort on Mount Taunus from where he marched with about 30,000–35,000 men against the Chatti. Many of the men fled across a river and dispersed themselves in the forests. Germanicus next marched on Mattium (“caput gentis”, capital city) and burned it to the ground.[45][46] After initial successful skirmishes in summer 15 AD, including the capture of Arminius’ wife Thusnelda,[47] the army visited the site of the first battle. According to Tacitus, they found heaps of bleached bones and severed skulls nailed to trees, which they buried, “…looking on all as kinsfolk and of their own blood…”. At a location Tacitus calls the pontes longi (“long causeways”), in boggy lowlands somewhere near the Ems, Arminius’ troops attacked the Romans. Arminius initially caught Germanicus’ cavalry in a trap, inflicting minor casualties, but the Roman infantry reinforced the rout and checked them. The fighting lasted for two days, with neither side achieving a decisive victory. Germanicus’ forces withdrew and returned to the Rhine.[48][49][d]
Under Germanicus, the Romans marched another army, along with allied Germanic auxiliaries, into Germania in 16 AD. He forced a crossing of the Weser near modern Minden, suffering some losses to a Germanic skirmishing force, and forced Arminius’ army to stand in open battle at Idistaviso in the Battle of the Weser River. Germanicus’ legions inflicted huge casualties on the Germanic armies while sustaining only minor losses. A final battle was fought at the Angrivarian Wall west of modern Hanover, repeating the pattern of high Germanic fatalities, which forced them to flee beyond the Elbe.[52][53] Germanicus, having defeated the forces between the Rhine and the Elbe, then ordered Caius Silius to march against the Chatti with a mixed force of three thousand cavalry and thirty thousand infantry and lay waste to their territory, while Germanicus, with a larger army, invaded the Marsi for the third time and devastated their land, encountering no resistance.[54]
With his main objectives reached and winter approaching, Germanicus ordered his army back to their winter camps, with the fleet incurring some damage from a storm in the North Sea.[55] After a few more raids across the Rhine, which resulted in the recovery of two of the three legions’ eagles lost in 9 AD,[56] Tiberius ordered the Roman forces to halt and withdraw across the Rhine. Germanicus was recalled to Rome and informed by Tiberius that he would be given a triumph and reassigned to a new command.[57][58][59]
Campaigns of Germanicus and A. Caecina Severus in 14-16 AD
Military action in 14 AD
Military action in 14 AD
Campaigns in 15 AD
Campaigns in 15 AD
Operations in 16 AD
Operations in 16 AD
Germanicus’ campaign had been taken to avenge the Teutoburg slaughter and also partially in reaction to indications of mutinous intent amongst his troops. Arminius, who had been considered a very real threat to stability by Rome, was now defeated. Once his Germanic coalition had been broken and honour avenged, the huge cost and risk of keeping the Roman army operating beyond the Rhine was not worth any likely benefit to be gained.[30] Tacitus, with some bitterness, claims that Tiberius’ decision to recall Germanicus was driven by his jealousy of the glory Germanicus had acquired, and that an additional campaign the next summer would have concluded the war and facilitated a Roman occupation of territories between the Rhine and the Elbe.[60][61]
Coin showing Germanicus holding an Aquila
Later campaigns
Roman coin showing the Aquilae on display in the Temple of Mars the Avenger in Rome
The third legionary standard was recovered in 41 AD by Publius Gabinius from the Chauci during the reign of Claudius, brother of Germanicus.[62] Possibly the recovered aquilae were placed within the Temple of Mars Ultor (“Mars the Avenger”), the ruins of which stand today in the Forum of Augustus by the Via dei Fori Imperiali in Rome.
The last chapter was recounted by the historian Tacitus. Around 50 AD, bands of Chatti invaded Roman territory in Germania Superior, possibly an area in Hesse east of the Rhine that the Romans appear to have still held, and began to plunder. The Roman commander, Publius Pomponius Secundus, and a legionary force supported by Roman cavalry recruited auxiliaries from the Vangiones and Nemetes. They attacked the Chatti from both sides and defeated them, and joyfully found and liberated Roman prisoners, including some from Varus’ legions who had been held for 40 years.[63]
Impact on Roman expansion
Further information: Limes Germanicus § Augustus
Roman Limes and modern boundaries.
From the time of the rediscovery of Roman sources in the 15th century, the Battles of the Teutoburg Forest have been seen as a pivotal event resulting in the end of Roman expansion into northern Europe. This theory became prevalent in the 19th century, and formed an integral part of the mythology of German nationalism.
More recently some scholars questioned this interpretation, advancing a number of reasons why the Rhine was a practical boundary for the Roman Empire, and more suitable than any other river in Germania.[64] Logistically, armies on the Rhine could be supplied from the Mediterranean via the Rhône, Saône and Mosel, with a brief stretch of portage. Armies on the Elbe, on the other hand, would have to have been supplied either by extensive overland routes or ships travelling the hazardous Atlantic seas. Economically, the Rhine was already supporting towns and sizeable villages at the time of the Gallic conquest. Northern Germania was far less developed, possessed fewer villages, and had little food surplus and thus a far lesser capacity for tribute. Thus the Rhine was both significantly more accessible from Rome and better suited to supply sizeable garrisons than the regions beyond. There were also practical reasons to fall back from the limits of Augustus’ expansionism in this region. The Romans were mostly interested in conquering areas that had a high degree of self-sufficiency which could provide a tax base for them to extract from. Most of Germania Magna did not have the higher level of urbanism at this time as in comparison with some Celtic Gallic settlements, which were in many ways already integrated into the Roman trade network in the case of southern Gaul. In a cost/benefit analysis, the prestige to be gained by conquering more territory was outweighed by the lack of financial benefits accorded to conquest.[65][66]
The Teutoburg Forest myth is noteworthy in 19th century Germanic interpretations as to why the “march of the Roman Empire” was halted, but in reality Roman punitive campaigns into Germania continued and they were intended less for conquest or expansion than they were to force the Germanic alliance into some kind of political structure that would be compliant with Roman diplomatic efforts.[67] The most famous of those incursions, led by the Roman emperor Maximinus Thrax, resulted in a Roman victory in 235 AD at the Battle at the Harzhorn Hill, which is located in the modern German state of Lower Saxony, east of the Weser river, between the towns of Kalefeld and Bad Gandersheim.[68] After the Marcomannic Wars, the Romans even managed to occupy the provinces of Marcomannia and Sarmatia, corresponding to modern Czech Republic, Slovakia and Bavaria/Austria/Hungary north of Danube. Final plans to annex those territories were discarded by Commodus deeming the occupation of the region too expensive for the imperial treasury.[69][70][71]
After Arminius was defeated and dead, having been murdered in 21 AD by opponents within his own tribe, Rome tried to control Germania beyond the Limes indirectly, by appointing client kings. Italicus, a nephew of Arminius, was appointed king of the Cherusci, Vangio and Sido became vassal princes of the powerful Suebi,[9][10] and the Quadian client king Vannius was imposed as a ruler of the Marcomanni.[72][73] Between 91 and 92 during the reign of emperor Domitian, the Romans sent a military detachment to assist their client Lugii against the Suebi in what is now Poland.[74]
Roman controlled territory was limited to the modern states of Austria, Baden-Württemberg, southern Bavaria, southern Hesse, Saarland and the Rhineland as Roman provinces of Noricum,[75] Raetia[76] and Germania.[77] The Roman provinces in western Germany, Germania Inferior (with the capital situated at Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium, modern Cologne) and Germania Superior (with its capital at Mogontiacum, modern Mainz), were formally established in 85 AD, after a long period of military occupation beginning in the reign of the emperor Augustus.[78] Nonetheless, the Severan-era historian Cassius Dio is emphatic that Varus had been conducting the latter stages of full colonization of a greater German province,[79] which has been partially confirmed by recent archaeological discoveries such as the Varian-era Roman provincial settlement at Waldgirmes Forum.
Site of the battle
Further information: Kalkriese
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Lower Saxony Bergland
The archeological site at Kalkriese hill
Schleuderblei (Sling projectiles) found by Major Tony Clunn in Summer 1988, sparked new excavations[80]
The Roman ceremonial face mask found at Kalkriese
The theories about the location of the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest have emerged in large numbers especially since the beginning of the 16th century, when the Tacitus works Germania and Annales were rediscovered. The assumptions about the possible place of the battle are based essentially on place names and river names, as well as on the description of the topography by the ancient writers, on investigations of the prehistoric road network, and on archaeological finds. Only a few assumptions are scientifically based theories.
The prehistorian and provincial archaeologist Harald Petrikovits combined the several hundred theories in 1966 into four units:[81]
according to the northern theory on the northern edge of the Wiehen Hills and Weser Hills
according to Lippe theory in the eastern half of the Teutoburg Forest or between this and the Weser river
according to the Münsterland theory south of the Teutoburg Forest near Beckum or just to the east of it and
according to the southern theory in the hill country southeast of the Westphalian Lowland.
For almost 2,000 years, the site of the battle was unidentified. The main clue to its location was an allusion to the saltus Teutoburgiensis in section i.60–62 of Tacitus’ Annals, an area “not far” from the land between the upper reaches of the Lippe and Ems rivers in central Westphalia. During the 19th century, theories as to the site abounded, and the followers of one theory successfully argued for a long wooded ridge called the Osning, near Bielefeld. This was then renamed the Teutoburg Forest.[82]
Late 20th-century research and excavations were sparked by finds by a British amateur archaeologist, Major Tony Clunn, who was casually prospecting at Kalkriese Hill (52°26′29″N 8°08′26″E) with a metal detector in the hope of finding “the odd Roman coin”. He discovered coins from the reign of Augustus (and none later), and some ovoid leaden Roman sling bolts. Kalkriese is a village administratively part of the city of Bramsche, on the north slope fringes of the Wiehen, a ridge-like range of hills in Lower Saxony north of Osnabrück. This site, some 100 kilometres (62 mi) north west of Osning, was first suggested by the 19th-century historian Theodor Mommsen, renowned for his fundamental work on Roman history.
Initial systematic excavations were carried out by the archaeological team of the Kulturhistorisches Museum Osnabrück under the direction of Professor Wolfgang Schlüter from 1987. Once the dimensions of the project had become apparent, a foundation was created to organise future excavations and to build and operate a museum on the site, and to centralise publicity and documentation. Since 1990 the excavations have been directed by Susanne Wilbers-Rost.
Excavations have revealed battle debris along a corridor almost 24 kilometres (15 mi) from east to west and little more than 1.6 kilometres (1 mi) wide. A long zig-zagging wall of peat turves and packed sand had apparently been constructed beforehand: concentrations of battle debris in front of it and a dearth behind it testify to the Romans’ inability to breach the Germanic tribes’ strong defence. Human remains appear to corroborate Tacitus’ account of the Roman legionaries’ later burial.[83] Coins minted with the countermark VAR, distributed by Varus, also support the identification of the site. As a result, Kalkriese is now perceived to be an event of the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest.
The Museum und Park Kalkriese [de] [84] includes a large outdoor area with trails leading to a re-creation of part of the earthen wall from the battle and other outdoor exhibits. An observation tower, which holds most of the indoor exhibits, allows visitors to get an overview of the battle site. A second building includes the ticket centre, museum store and a restaurant. The museum houses a large number of artefacts found at the site, including fragments of studded sandals legionaries lost, spearheads, and a Roman officer’s ceremonial face-mask, which was originally silver-plated.
Alternative theories
Although the majority of evidence has the battle taking place east and north of Osnabrück and the end at Kalkriese Hill, some scholars and others still adhere to older theories. Moreover, there is controversy among Kalkriese adherents themselves as to the details.
The German historians Peter Kehne and Reinhard Wolters believe that the battle was probably in the Detmold area, and that Kalkriese is the site of one of the battles in 15 AD. This theory is, however, in contradiction to Tacitus’ account.
A number of authors, including the archaeologists Susanne Wilbers-Rost and Günther Moosbauer, historian Ralf Jahn, and British author Adrian Murdoch (see below), believe that the Roman army approached Kalkriese from roughly due east, from Minden, North Rhine-Westphalia, not from south of the Wiehen Hills (i.e., from Detmold). This would have involved a march along the northern edge of the Wiehen Hills, and the army would have passed through flat, open country, devoid of the dense forests and ravines described by Cassius Dio. Historians such as Gustav-Adolf Lehmann and Boris Dreyer counter that Cassius Dio’s description is too detailed and differentiated to be thus dismissed.
Tony Clunn (see below), the discoverer of the battlefield, and a “southern-approach” proponent, believes that the battered Roman army regrouped north of Ostercappeln, where Varus committed suicide, and that the remnants were finally overcome at the Kalkriese Gap.
Peter Oppitz argues for a site in Paderborn, some 120 kilometres (75 mi) south of Kalkriese. Based on a reinterpretation of the writings of Tacitus, Paterculus, and Florus and a new analysis of those of Cassius Dio, he proposes that an ambush took place in Varus’s summer camp during a peaceful meeting between the Roman commanders and the Germanic leaders.[85]
In popular culture
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The battle is a plot element in several operas of the Baroque era, notably Arminio by George Frideric Handel, first performed in 1737.
In the 1792 historical novel Marcus Flaminius by Cornelia Knight, the main character is a survivor of the battle.[86]
Die Hermannsschlacht is an 1808 drama by Heinrich von Kleist based on the events of the battle.
The battle and its aftermath feature in both the novel by Robert Graves and the television series I, Claudius. In the novel and TV series, Cassius Chaerea (the praetorian guardsman who later murdered the mad Emperor Caligula) is portrayed as one of the few Roman survivors. The Emperor Augustus is shown devastated by the shocking defeat and shouting, “Varus, give me back my legions!” (in the television adaptation, this is changed to “Quinctilus Varus, where are my Eagles?”).
Die Sendung mit der Maus, a re-enactment for children’s television using Playmobil toys to represent the Roman legions.[87]
Give Me Back My Legions! is a 2009 historical novel by Harry Turtledove. It covers the events of Teutoburg Forest from the viewpoints of different major characters.
German folk metal Heilung included the poem “Schlammschlacht”, which describes the battle from a Cherusci point of view, on their 2015 album Ofnir.
Wolves of Rome is a 2016 historical novel by Valerio Massimo Manfredi. First published in Italian in 2016 as Teutoburgo, republished in English in 2018, it is a fictional recounting of the life of Armin (Hermann) and the events of Teutoburg Forest.
Barbarians, a German original series detailing the Roman Imperial campaign through Germania in 9 AD, premiered on Netflix in October 2020.[88]
Geraint Jones’s novel, Blood Forest (2017), follows the events of the battle.
German nationalism
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Main article: Hermannsdenkmal
The Hermannsdenkmal circa 1900
The legacy of the Germanic victory was resurrected with the recovery of the histories of Tacitus in the 15th century, when the figure of Arminius, now known as “Hermann” (a mistranslation of the name “Armin” which has often been incorrectly attributed to Martin Luther), became a nationalistic symbol of Pan-Germanism. From then, Teutoburg Forest has been seen as a pivotal clash that ended Roman expansion into northern Europe. This notion became especially prevalent in the 19th century, when it formed an integral part of the mythology of German nationalism.
In 1808 the German Heinrich von Kleist’s play Die Hermannsschlacht aroused anti-Napoleonic sentiment, even though it could not be performed under occupation. In 1847, Josef Viktor von Scheffel wrote a lengthy song, “Als die Römer frech geworden” (“When the Romans got cheeky”), relating the tale of the battle with somewhat gloating humour. Copies of the text are found on many souvenirs available at the Detmold monument.
The battle had a profound effect on 19th-century German nationalism along with the histories of Tacitus; the Germans, at that time still divided into many states, identified with the Germanic peoples as shared ancestors of one “German people” and came to associate the imperialistic Napoleonic French and Austro-Hungarian forces with the invading Romans, destined for defeat.
As a symbol of unified Romantic nationalism, the Hermannsdenkmal, a monument to Hermann surmounted by a statue, was erected in a forested area near Detmold, believed at that time to be the site of the battle. Paid for largely out of private funds, the monument remained unfinished for decades and was not completed until 1875, after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71 unified the country. The completed monument was then a symbol of conservative German nationalism. The battle and the Hermannsdenkmal monument are commemorated by the similar Hermann Heights Monument in New Ulm, Minnesota, US, erected by the Sons of Hermanni, a support organisation for German immigrants to the United States. Hermann, Missouri, claims Hermann (Arminius) as its namesake and a third statue of Hermann was dedicated there in a ceremony on 24 September 2009, celebrating the 2,000th anniversary of the battle.
According to journalist David Crossland, “The old nationalism has been replaced by an easy-going patriotism that mainly manifests itself at sporting events like the soccer World Cup.”[31]
Paintings of the 19th century
Grab des Arminius (Grave of Arminius), Caspar David Friedrich, 1812
Grab des Arminius (Grave of Arminius), Caspar David Friedrich, 1812
Hermannsschlacht, drawing by Crown prince Frederick William IV of Prussia, 1813
Hermannsschlacht, drawing by Crown prince Frederick William IV of Prussia, 1813
Hermann zersprengt die Ketten von Germania (Hermann breaks the chains of Germania), Karl Russ, circa 1818
Hermann zersprengt die Ketten von Germania (Hermann breaks the chains of Germania), Karl Russ, circa 1818
Der siegreich vordringende Hermann (The victorious advance of Hermann), Peter Janssen, 1873
Der siegreich vordringende Hermann (The victorious advance of Hermann), Peter Janssen, 1873
Battle of the Teutoburg Forest - Furor Teutonicus, Paja Jovanović, 1889
Battle of the Teutoburg Forest - Furor Teutonicus, Paja Jovanović, 1889
Unfortunate campaign of Germanicus, unknown artist, circa 1900
Unfortunate campaign of Germanicus, unknown artist, circa 1900[/b]
Not my problem.
White devil history
We supposed to read all o’ that? … Acha mchezo kijana … unafikiria hatuna kazi ya kufanya. Leta summary …
Nawekea @Akon City II. Anapenda kusoma sanaaa
[SIZE=6]German tribes exerted pressure on the Roman frontier[/SIZE]
In the 4th century A.D. most Germanic peoples in Europe were living east of the Rhine and north of the Danube. To the east, north of the Black Sea, were the East Goths (Ostrogoths) and the West Goths (Visigoths). To the west of these tribes and extending over a large area of the Rhine were the Vandals, Lombards, Alemanni, Burgundians, and Franks. In and near present day Denmark lived the Jutes, Angles, and Saxons.
These groups were seminomadic, herding their flocks and tilling the soil. Large and vigorous, the people prized strength and courage in battle. They worshiped many gods, including Tiw, the god of war; Wotan, the chief of the gods; Thor, the god of thunder; and Freya, the goddess of fertility. (The names of these deities are preserved in the English words Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday.)
The German tribal assemblies were made up of voting freeman, and their laws were based on long-established customs of the tribe. These political practices were to have a strong influence in medieval England, where they laid a foundation for the rise of parliamentary government and English common law. The Roman historian Tacitus (55 to 117 A.D.), in his famous treatise GERMANIA, gave a graphic account of how the Germans lived and wistfully compared these robust people with the weak, pleasure-loving Roman aristocracy.
The Germans were proud of being Goths, Burgundians, Franks, and Vandals. They wore German costumes and followed German customs. They had reddish or blond hair, blue eyes, great stature, and generally powerful physiques. More fond of war than of work, they consumed quantities of a kind of beer in prolonged contests. Besides drinking, gambling was a favorite amusement. The men were primarily fighters who scorned labor and relegated all agricultural and household tasks to women and slaves. German family life was commonly a model of simplicity and virtue. In general, German society was tribal, that is, it emphasized the relation and loyalties of kinship rather than of citizenship. An injury to his kin must be avenged by them unless they were compensated by a graded system of penalties, known as Wergeld. Some tribes however, had coalesced into groups, which for lack of a better term, might be called “nations”. Over such nations ruled kings, at first hardly more than war leaders elected by the free men and subject to their wishes. But by the time they entered the Empire there was already a tendency to choose rulers from the same family, thus paving the way for hereditary succession.
For hundreds of years the Germans had exerted pressure on the frontiers of the empire. In 105 B.C. German warriors inflicted a terrible defeat on a Roman army, but four years later, a capable Roman leader, Marius, became a national hero when he outmaneuvered the Germans and defeated them. Again in Julius Caesar’s time, German invaders tried to conquer part of Gaul but were defeated. During the reign of Augustus, the Romans launched a drive against the restless German tribes between the Rhine and the Elbe rivers, but in 9 A.D. the Roman legions suffered a crushing defeat in the Battle of Teutoburg Forest. Three legions were completely wiped out. From then on the Romans were content to hold the frontier on the Rhine-Danube line, and quiet continued for a long period. Again, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, from 161 to 180 A.D., and for 120 years afterward, the Romans had difficulty holding the Germans at the Frontier. But after 300 A.D. peace was maintained for some seventy-five years.
During tranquil interludes, the Romans and Germanic peoples had many opportunities for peaceful association. Some Germans were permitted to enter the Roman Empire to settle on vacant lands. Others, captured in war, became slaves on Roman estates, and still others accepted service in the legions. If intermingling had been allowed to continue, the Germans might have been gradually assimilated into the empire. However, pressure from the German tribes suddenly turned the gradual infiltration into a rushing invasion.
German tribes forced their way into all parts of the western Roman Empire.
Book Hotel in Korcula
In Asia, during the 4th century, restless nomads called Huns were on the march from the east. Mounted on swift horses, they attacked with lightning ferocity all tribes in their path. Crossing the Volga River, they conquered the Ostrogoths in eastern Europe. Fearing that the Huns would attack them also, the Visigoths implored Roman authorities for sanctuary in the empire. The Roman officials agreed, promising them lands for settlement provided they came unarmed.
Neither side lived up to the agreement, however, and the Visigoths, without land and facing starvation, began to sack Roman settlements. When the Roman emperor Valens led a great army against the Visigoths, to the astonishment of Romans and Germans alike, the imperial force was scattered and the emperor slain. This battle on the field of Adrianople in 378 A.D. is considered one of the decisive battles in world history because it rendered the Roman Empire defenseless. German tribes outside the frontiers began to round up their cattle, mobilize their fighting men, and move toward the Roman borders.
Marching southwestward under their leader Alaric, the Visigoths reached Rome in 410 A.D. and looted the city. By that time other German tribes–the Franks, Vandals, and Burgundians–were moving into the empire. And about 450 A.D., Germans from northwest Europe–the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes–sailed to Britain, where they killed or enslaved the Britons whom they encountered and forced others to retreat into Wales and Scotland.
To add to the tumult, the Huns, led by Attila, had also invaded the empire and were threatening to enslave or destroy both Romans and Germans. So, forgetting their own differences for a while, the Romans and Germans united against a common enemy. They fought together in Gaul and defeated Attila, the “Scourge of God,” at the Battle of Chalons in 451 A.D. Shortly afterward Attila died and his savage cavalry drifted apart.
[SIZE=6]The western empire collapsed[/SIZE]
Meanwhile, the power of the emperors in Rome had fallen to a point where they had become merely puppets of the legionaries, many of whom were of German birth. In the 476 A.D., Odoacer, a commander of the Roman armies, deposed the last of the Roman emperors and became the first German ruler of Rome. This date–476 A.D.–is often cited as the date for the “fall” of Rome. In a strict sense, there was no “fall.” The decline of Roman imperial power was a gradual and complex process marked by weakling emperors, corrupt bureaucrats, and the gradual admission of German soldiers into the legions.
Since the early decades of the 4th century, emperors at Rome had sensed the growing weakness of the empire in the West. In the year 330 A.D. Emperor Constantine had moved his capital to the city of Byzantium, in the eastern part of the empire, changing its name to Constantinople. By the end of that century, the Roman Empire had become permanently divided, with one emperor ruling the West and another in the East. Although separated, the two sections of the empire continued to be thought of as one.
But the western part of the empire was breaking up. By the year 476 A.D., when Odoacer ascended the throne, German kingdoms had been established in England by Anglo-Saxon invaders; the Visigoths had moved into Spain; the Vandals had built up a kingdom in North Africa and by 486 A.D., the Franks had gained control of Gaul. The Italian peninsula was to become the scene of conflict and strife, and near the end of the 5th century, it was to fall under the rule of the Ostrogoths.
Hotels in Korcula
The Ostrogoths had become free from the Huns after the death of Attila in 453 A.D. and they had built a settlement within the Roman Empire south and west of the Danube. In 471 A.D. they elected Theodoric their king, and soon afterward he led a march toward the eastern part of the empire. To prevent the Ostrogoths from encroaching on his lands, the emperor in the East encouraged Theodoric to invade Italy instead and to overthrow Odoacer who had ruled there since 476 A.D. Theodoric did so, and by 493 A.D. he was not only king of the Goths but of Italy also, with his capital established at Ravenna. His rule brought prosperity and peace to Italy, but at his death in 526 A.D. civil strife began again. In the middle of the 6th century a strong emperor at Constantinople, Justinian, won back Italy for a few years.
[SIZE=6]The Lombards invade Italy (Middle English called Lumbarde)[/SIZE]
Events of great importance were taking place during this period. It was while Clovis was establishing the Frankish kingdom in Gaul that Theodoric, the great Ostrogothic king, carved out for his people a kingdom in Italy, and while the sons of Clovis were conquering the remainder of Gaul, Justinian (483-565 A.D.) Byzantine emperor from 527 to 565 A.D. was making Italy once more a province under imperial rule. Within three years after the death of Justinian, another great change took place. A new nation of barbarian invaders, the Lombards, swept down into Italy and opened a new chapter in its history.
The Lombards were one of the East German nations. Their original home was on the banks of the Elbe River in northern Germany. From there they migrated south and east to the Danube River, where they were converted to the Arian form of Christianity. In 568 A.D. they followed the track of earlier Germanic invaders from the Balkans down into northern Italy, and a small group went off in a different direction to the eastern parts of Dalmatia. Meeting with little opposition, for the country had been ravaged by war and plague, they occupied the great plain between the Alps and the Apennines, ever since called Lombardy. It was a thorough conquest. They made no pretense of alliance with the empire, as the Ostrogoths had done, nor did they leave the conquered Italians in possession of their estates. The continuity of Roman civilization, which had survived so many invasions, was at last broken, or at least severely strained. About 575 A.D., marauding bands of Lombards began to push farther south, and within a decade had occupied the center of Italy almost to the southern end of the peninsula. The emperors made some attempt to check the Lombards, but in vain. In 605 A.D. a truce was arranged between them. By that time, the Lombards had conquered all of Italy except the territories around Ravenna, Rome, Naples, and to the extreme south. These were still ruled by representatives of the emperor, nominally under the Exarch of Ravenna, thought Rome and the other imperial possessions were so cut off from the exarchate as to be left practically independent. The unity of Italy was completely destroyed, to be recovered only after thirteen centuries has passed. The Lombard Kingdom itself was not strongly united. The Lombard dukes were always half independent and often rebellious, especially in the two great duchies of Spoleto and Benevento in the center and south, which were never firmly attached to the kingdom and where the Lombards remained in the minority.
Out of the chaos of this last barbarian invasion, one Italian power, the Roman papacy, rose with greater authority than ever before. The popes had lost much of their prestige since the days of Leo the Great, though they had gained much in wealth from estates bequeathed to them in all parts of Italy. The restoration of imperial rule in Italy had been a serious blow to their authority, for Justinian had introduced that domination of the church by the state which had long been recognized in the Eastern Empire, but had never been enforced in the West. Moreover, the pope’s authority outside of Italy had suffered. The bishops of Gaul were controlled by the Frankish kings, and Spain under the Visigoths was Arian almost to the end of the sixth century. But the Lombard conquests broke the power of the emperor over the pope, and in 590 A.D. the Roman Church found in Pope Gregory the Great a leader who was to set the papacy back again on the road to independence and spiritual domination in the West.
[SIZE=6]Explanation of the names Lombards and Middle English called Lumbarde[/SIZE]
The term Middle Ages was given to the period of Western European history that extended from the decline of Rome to the discovery of America. The Western Europeans who lived just after the Middle Ages named it that because they thought it was a period of darkness between the splendor of Rome and the splendor of the civilization they were creating. They believed that nothing of importance happened them. Today, however, we know that the Middle Ages was an important period in itself in Western Europe. Many of our cherished institutions started during that period of about a thousand years.
The Middle Ages is often divided into the Early Middle Ages, from the fall of Rome to about 1000 A.D., and the Late Middle Ages from 1000 A.D. to the discovery of America. These two periods differed in their character. The first was a period in which civilization was at a low ebb. For about five hundred years there was almost no education, no city life, trade, or good government. The Latin literature was unread, and no new literature was produced. Small chieftains could not understand the Roman laws and issued their own decrees. Cities dwindled in size. Each family depended largely on itself for the necessities of life since there was not much commerce. Neighborhood wars were common. It was an age of invasion, robbery, and violence, as group after group of cruel people swept into neighboring countries looking for riches. There was very little physical security for anyone. Other groups of people seemed more interested in preparing for the next life than improving conditions in the world in which they lived. Their religion placed great stress on ceremony.
Beginning the eleventh century and increasing in the latter part of the Late Middle Ages, life in Western Europe took on a more rapid pace and became more colorful. Education changed and developed, towns grew, beautiful churches and strong castles were built, trade increased, nations developed, and parliaments came into existence. The institutions that came into being at that time form the basis upon which later peoples built.
While these conditions prevailed in Western Europe, the Eastern Roman Empire continued to exist. Its borders were constantly being clipped, however, by invaders from Asia. It continued until 1453.
Although the Western Europeans did not know it until late in the Middle Ages, all this time between 300 and 1500 A.D. civilizations were flourishing in India, China, Japan, and in the Western Hemisphere.
In Webster’s Third New International Dictionary, 2262 pages, Lombards in 15th and 16th century are called ME (Middle English) Lumbarde, Latin Longobardus, French Longobardo. A member of a Teutonic people invading Italy in 568 A.D. settling in the Po valley and establishing a kingdom.
Migration of the Slavic tribes, Croats and Serbs from the Black Sea down to Greece and their occupation of the Balkan peninsula.
Justinian’s reign marked the culmination of Latin influence in Byzantine civilization. Thereafter, while certain Roman ideas continued to determine the course of Byzantine history–the emperors never ceasing to regard themselves as the legitimate successors of Augustus–Greek and Oriental influences prevailed. Greek became the official language of the administration and of the law, as it had been of the church in the east.
Besides, the loss of the western provinces rendered contact of the east with Rome and Italy more difficult. It is true that southern Italy, Rome, and Ravenna were not taken by the Lombards, but continued as nominal possessions of the Emperor. Yet imperial power in Italy was tenuous in the extreme. More and more, people there turned for guidance, even in temporal matters, to the pope rather than to the exarch. The unity of eastern and western Christianity was also endangered by this loss of contact between the Latin–and, in the Byzantine view, barbarian–west and the Greek east. Finally, Justinian’s successors were forced to deal with pressing eastern problems which he had neglected. Foremost among these was the defense of the frontiers.
During Justinian’s reign from 527 to 565 A.D., communities of southern Slavs had been established along the northern Byzantine frontier. The Slavs were an Indo-European people who migrated in various directions from the region of the Pripet marshes. The south Slavs (or Yugoslavs) had settled in some numbers north of the Black Sea by the fifth and sixth centuries. Although they had frequently suffered at the hands of Germans and also of Asiatic nomads, they were tenacious and prolific and maintained their identity. Unlike the nomads, they had reached an agricultural stage of civilization.
In the sixth century, much as the Goths had previously been driven on by the savage nomadic Huns, large numbers of south Slavs were pushed by the Avars, another Hunnic people, into the Balkan peninsula. Sometimes in conjunction with the Avars, but finally on their own initiative, they advanced into imperial territory. By the end of the century a great many had settled in Thrace and Greece. And in 620 A.D. the Emperor Heraclius officially recognized a number of them as allies against the Avars. Somewhat later, as Avar raids continued, these Yugoslavs, ancestors of the modern Serbs and Croats, moved into the Illyrian provinces of Panonia, Bosnia, Dalmatia, and Serbia about 595 A.D.
Thus it was that the Roman Empire of the east was forced in its turn to permit barbarian immigration. And although it was many years before the Yugoslavs were able to form stable kingdoms, the ethnic character of the Balkan peninsula was permanently changed.
Meanwhile the Avars remained a formidable military menace. In 591, in 619, and again in 626 A.D., together with Slavs, they appeared before Constantinople. But the redoubtable fortifications of the city frustrated all their attacks. Thereafter, the Avars ceased to trouble the Byzantine Empire seriously, and the Slavs settled down within its frontiers.
Defense of Constantinople was complicated by an even more serious menace to the eastern frontier. This resulted from a remarkable resurgence of Persian power. Under their King Chosroes, the Persians passed through Armenia and Syria and advanced into Palestine. Capturing Jerusalem, they carried away part of the relic of the Holy Cross, the Cross upon which Christ had been crucified. That the Emperor Heraclius (610-641 A.D.) was able to cope with this situation is a tribute to his skill and courage as well as to the inherent strength of the Empire. The Avars were temporarily appeased, and between 622 and 627 A.D. a series of brilliant campaigns not only drove the Persians from Syria and Palestine, but carried the Emperor to a signal victory near the ruins of Nineveh on the Tigris River. In the following year Chosroe’s successor sued for peace. Meanwhile Constantinople had successfully withstood Avar assaults by sea and land. In 629 A.D. Heraclius returned in triumph to Constantinople bearing with him the relic of the True Cross. He was a savior of the Empire.
But except in name it was no longer a Roman Empire. The Balkans were henceforth predominantly Slavic, for the Yugoslavs profiting from the exploits of the destructive Avars, were now firmly settled in the Balkan peninsula. And though they were presently converted to Christianity and nominally incorporated in the Empire, they retained their own Slavic speech and ignored both Latin and Greek. Moreover, the long Byzantine war with Persia exhausted both countries and left them a prey to the Arabs, who, even before Heraclius’s death, had invaded Egypt, Syria, Palestine, and Mesopotamia.
Thus the Empire of the early eighth century consisted only of Constantinople, a portion of the Balkan peninsula, Asia Minor, and a few areas in Italy and Sicily. But even in its reduced state–and more losses were to follow–the Byzantine Empire was to remain for centuries a rampart of Graeco-Roman and Christian civilization in the eastern Mediterranean.
[SIZE=6]Slavic tribes occupy Dalmatian archipelago[/SIZE]
Around 640 A.D., after occupying the Dalmatian islands they found a group of Lombards–who had previously split from the major Lombard tribes who were on their way to northern Italy- in the town of Lumbarda on the island of Corcyra (Korcula). Slavic tribes, from previous difficulty with German tribes, had animosity toward the German settlements in Lumbarde. Not long afterward the German tribes disappeared from Lumbarde and joined their tribes in Italy. Since that time, the Slavic people have called that town Lumbarde-a.
High IQ Kodiaga siwezi soma hii upus
Here’s some more. @Akon City II bado unasoma?
[SIZE=7]Roman campaigns in Germania (12 BC – AD 16)[/SIZE]
The Roman campaigns in Germania (12 BC – AD 16) were a series of conflicts between the Germanic tribes and the Roman Empire. Tensions between the Germanic tribes and the Romans began as early as 17/16 BC with the Clades Lolliana, where the 5th Legion under Marcus Lollius was defeated by the tribes Sicambri, Usipetes, and Tencteri. Roman Emperor Augustus responded by rapidly developing military infrastructure across Gaul. His general, Nero Claudius Drusus, began building forts along the Rhine in 13 BC and launched a retaliatory campaign across the Rhine in 12 BC.
Drusus led three more campaigns against the Germanic tribes in the years 11–9 BC. For the campaign of 10 BC, he was celebrated for being the Roman who traveled farthest east into Northern Europe. Succeeding generals would continue attacking across the Rhine until AD 16, notably Publius Quinctilius Varus in AD 9. During the return trip from his campaign, Varus’ army was ambushed and almost destroyed by a Germanic force led by Arminius at the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest; Arminius was the leader of the Cherusci, had previously fought in the Roman army, and was considered by Rome to be an ally. Roman expansion into Germania Magna stopped as a result, and all campaigns immediately after were in retaliation of the Clades Variana (Varian disaster, the name used by Roman historians to describe the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest) and to prove that Roman military might could still overcome German lands. The last general to lead Roman forces in the region during this time was Germanicus, the adoptive son of emperor Tiberius, who in AD 16 had launched the final major military expedition by Rome into Germania.
Contents
1 Background
2 Campaigns before the Clades Variana
2.1 Campaigns of Drusus
2.2 Campaigns of Tiberius, Ahenobarbus and Vinicius
3 Campaign of Varus
3.1 Prelude
3.2 Victory of Arminius
4 Campaigns after the Clades Variana
4.1 Campaigns of Tiberius
4.2 Campaigns of Germanicus
5 Aftermath
6 References
7 Bibliography
7.1 Primary sources
7.2 Secondary sources
Background
In 27 BC, Augustus became princeps and sent Agrippa to quell the uprisings in Gallia. During the Gallic uprisings, weapons were smuggled into Gaul across the Rhine from Germania to supply the insurrection. At the time, Rome’s military presence in the Rhineland was small and its only military operations there were punitive expeditions against incursions. It was seen as more important to secure Gaul and wipe out any signs of resistance there.[2][3]
After Gaul had been pacified, improvements were made to the infrastructure, including those to the Roman road network in 20 BC by Aggripa. Rome increased its military presence along the Rhine and several forts were constructed there between 19 and 17 BC. Augustus thought that the future prosperity of the Empire depended on the expansion of its borders, and Germania had become the next target for imperial expansion.[3][4]
After capturing and executing Roman soldiers east of the Rhine in 17/16 BC, the tribes Sicambri, Usipetes, and Tencteri crossed the river and attacked a Roman cavalry unit. Unexpectedly, they came across the 5th Legion under Marcus Lollius, whom they defeated and whose eagle they captured. This defeat convinced Augustus to reorganize and improve the military presence in Gaul in order to prepare the region for campaigns across the Rhine. An attack soon after by Lollius and Augustus caused the invaders to retreat back to Germania and sue for peace with Rome.[3]
From 16 to 13 BC, Augustus was active in Gaul. In preparation for the coming campaigns, Augustus established a mint at Lugdunum (Lyon) in Gaul, to supply a means of coining money to pay the soldiers, organized a census for collecting taxes from Gaul, and coordinated the establishment of military bases on the west bank of the Rhine.[3]
Campaigns before the Clades Variana
Campaigns of Drusus
Campaigns of Drusus in Germania
Nero Claudius Drusus, an experienced general and stepson of Augustus, was made governor of Gaul in 13 BC. The following year saw an uprising in Gaul – a response to the Roman census and taxation policy set in place by Augustus.[5] For most of the following year he conducted reconnaissance and dealt with supply and communications. He also had several forts built along the Rhine, including Argentoratum (Strasburg, France), Moguntiacum (Mainz, Germany), and Castra Vetera (Xanten, Germany).[6]
Drusus first saw action following an incursion by the Sicambri and the Usipetes into Gaul, which he repelled before launching a retaliatory attack across the Rhine. This marked the beginning of Rome’s 28 years of campaigns across the lower Rhine.[5]
He crossed the Rhine with his army and invaded the land of the Usipetes. He then marched north against the Sicambri and pillaged their lands. Travelling down the Rhine and landing in what is now the Netherlands, he conquered the Frisians, who thereafter served in his army as allies. Then, he attacked the Chauci, who lived in northwestern Germany in what is now Lower Saxony. Around winter, he recrossed the Rhine, and returned to Rome.[7]
The following spring, Drusus began his second campaign across the Rhine. He first subdued the Usipetes, and then marched east to the Visurgis (Weser River). Then, he passed through the territory of the Cherusci, whose territory stretched from the Ems to the Elbe, and pushed as far east as the Weser. This was the furthest east into northern Europe that a Roman general had ever traveled, a feat which won him much renown. Between depleted supplies and the coming winter, he decided to march back to friendly territory. On the return trip, Drusus’ legions were nearly destroyed by German warriors taking advantage of the terrain to harass them.[8]
He was made consul for the following year, and it was voted that the doors to the Temple of Janus be closed, a sign the empire was at peace. However, peace didn’t last, for in the spring of 10 BC, he once again campaigned across the Rhine and spent the majority of the year attacking the Chatti. In his third campaign, he conquered the Chatti and other German tribes, and then returned to Rome, as he had done before at the end of the campaign season.[9]
In 9 BC, he began his fourth campaign, this time as consul. Despite bad omens, Drusus again attacked the Chatti and advanced as far as the territory of the Suebi, in the words of Cassius Dio, “conquering with difficulty the territory traversed and defeating the forces that attacked him only after considerable bloodshed.”[10] Afterwards, he once again attacked the Cherusci, and followed the retreating Cherusci across the Weser River, and advanced as far as the Elbe, “pillaging everything in his way”, as Cassius Dio puts it. Ovid states that Drusus extended Rome’s dominion to new lands that had only been discovered recently. On his way back to the Rhine, Drusus fell from his horse and was badly wounded. His injury became seriously infected, and after thirty days, Drusus died from the disease, most likely gangrene.[11]
When Augustus learned Drusus was sick, he sent Tiberius to quickly go to him. Ovid states Tiberius was at the city of Pavia at the time, and when he had learned of his brother’s condition, he rode to be at his dying brother’s side. He arrived in time, but it wasn’t long before Drusus drew his last breath.[12]
Campaigns of Tiberius, Ahenobarbus and Vinicius
Invasions of Tiberius and Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus in circa 3 BCE–6 CE
After Drusus’ death, Tiberius was given command of the Rhine’s forces and waged two campaigns within Germania over the course of 8 and 7 BC. He marched his army between the Rhine and the Elbe, and met little resistance except from the Sicambri. Tiberius came close to exterminating the Sicambri, and had those who survived transported to the Roman side of the Rhine, where they could be watched more closely. Velleius Paterculus portrays Germany as essentially conquered,[13] and Cassiodorus writing in the 6th century AD asserts that all Germans living between the Elbe and the Rhine had submitted to Roman power. However, the military situation in Germany was very different from what was suggested by imperial propaganda.[14][15]
Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus was appointed as the commander in Germany by Augustus in 6 BC, and three years later, in 3 BC, he reached and crossed the Elbe with his army. Under his command causeways were constructed across the bogs somewhere in the region between the Ems and the Rhine, called pontes longi. The next year, conflicts between the Rome and the Cherusci flared up. While the elite members of one faction sought stronger ties with Roman leaders, the Cherusci as a whole would continue to resist for the next twenty years. Although Ahenobarbus had marched to the Elbe and directed the construction of infrastructure in the region east of the Rhine, he did not do well against the Cherusci warrior bands, who he tried to handle like Tiberius had the Sicambri. Augustus recalled Ahenobarbus to Rome in 2 BC and replaced him with a more seasoned military commander, Marcus Vinicius.[14][15]
Between 2 BC and AD 4, Vinicius commanded the 5 legions stationed in Germany. At around the time of his appointment, many of the Germanic tribes arose in what the historian Velleius Paterculus calls the “vast war”. However, no account of this war exists. Vinicius must have performed well, for he was awarded the ornamenta triumphalia on his return to Rome.[14][16][17]
Again in AD 4, Augustus sent Tiberius to the Rhine frontier as the commander in Germany. He campaigned in northern Germany for the next two years. During the first year, he conquered the Canninefati, the Attuarii, the Bructeri, and subdued the Cherusci. Soon thereafter, he declared the Cherusci “friends of the Roman people.”[18] In AD 5, he campaigned against the Chauci, and then coordinated an attack into the heart of Germany both overland and by river. The Roman fleet and legions met on the Elbe, whereupon Tiberius departed from the Elbe to march back westward at the end of the summer without stationing occupying forces at this eastern position. This accomplished a demonstration to his troops, to Rome, and to the German peoples that his army could move largely unopposed through Germany, but like Drusus, he did nothing to hold territory. Tiberius’ forces were attacked by German troops on the way west back to the Rhine, but successfully defended themselves.[15][19]
The Drususstein in Mainz was erected in 9 BC as part of a funerary monument to Drusus the Elder
The elite of the Cherusci tribe came to be special friends of Rome after Tiberius’s campaigns of AD 5. In the preceding years, a power struggle had resulted in the alliance of one party with Rome. In this tribe was a ruling lineage that played a critical role in forging this friendship between the Cherusci and Rome. Belonging to this elite clan, was the young Arminius, who was around twenty-two at the time. Membership in this clan gave him special favor with Rome. Tiberius lent support to this ruling clan to gain control over the Cherusci, and he granted the tribe a free status among the German peoples. To keep an eye on the Cherusci, Tiberius had a winter base built on the Lippe.[20]
It was Roman opinion that by AD 6 the German tribes had largely been pacified, if not conquered. Only the Marcomanni, under king Maroboduus, remained to be subdued. Rome planned a massive pincer attack against them involving 12 legions from Germania, Illyricum, and Rhaetia, but when word of an uprising in Illyricum arrived the attack was called off and concluded peace with Maroboduus, recognizing him as king.[21][22][23]
Part of the Roman strategy was to resettle troublesome tribal peoples, to move them to locations where Rome could keep better tabs on them and away from their regular allies. Tiberius resettled the Sicambri, who had caused particular problems for Drusus, in a new site west of the Rhine, where they could be watched more closely.[19]
Campaign of Varus
Main article: Battle of Teutoburg Forest
Statue of Arminius at Teutoburg Forest, in North Rhine-Westphalia
Prelude
Although it was assumed that the province of Germania Magna had been pacified, and Rome had begun integrating the region into the empire, there was a risk of rebellion during the military subjugation of a province. Following Tiberius’s departure to Illyricum, Augustus appointed Publius Quinctilius Varus to the German command, as he was an experienced officer, but not the great military leader a serious threat would warrant.[24]
Varus imposed civic changes on the Germans, including a tax – what Augustus expected any governor of a subdued province to do. However, the Germanic tribes began rallying around a new leader, Arminius of the Cherusci. Arminius, who Rome considered an ally, and who had fought in the Roman army before.[25] He accompanied Varus, who was in Germania with the Legions XVII, XVIII, and XIX to finish the conquest of Germania.[26]
Not much is known of the campaign of AD 9 until the return trip, when Varus left with his legions from their camp on the Weser. On their way back to Castra Vetera, Varus received reports from Arminius that there was a small uprising west of the Roman camp. The Romans were on the way back to the Rhine anyway, and the small revolt would only be a small detour – about two days away. Varus departed to deal with the revolt believing that Arminius would ride ahead to garner the support of his tribesmen for the Roman cause. In reality, Arminius was actually preparing an ambush. Varus took no extra precautions on the march to quell the uprising, as he was expecting no trouble.[27]
Victory of Arminius
Arminius’ revolt came during the Pannonian revolt, at a time when the majority of Rome’s legions were tied down in Illyricum. Varus only had three legions, which were isolated in the heart of Germany.[28] Scouts were sent ahead of Roman forces as the column approached Kalkriese. Scouts were local Germans as they would have had knowledge of the terrain, and so would had to have been a part of Arminius’ ploy. Indeed, they reported that the path ahead was safe. Historians Wells and Abdale say that the scouts likely alerted the Germans to the advancing column, giving them time to get into position.[29][30]
The Roman column followed the road going north until it began to wrap around a hill. The hill was to the west of the road and was wooded. There was boggy terrain all around the hill, woodland to the east, and a swamp to the north (out of sight of the Roman column until they reached the bend taking the road southwest around the hill’s northeastern point).[31] Roman forces continued along the sloshy sandbank at the base of the hill until the front of the column was attacked. They heard loud shouting and spears began falling on them from the woody slope to their left. Spears then began falling from the woods to their right and the front fell into disorder from panic.[32] The surrounded soldiers were unable to defend themselves because they were marching in close formation and the terrain was too muddy for them to move effectively.[33]
Within ten minutes, word reached the middle of the column where Varus was. Communication was hampered by the column being packed densely in the narrow road. Not knowing the full extent of the attack, Varus ordered his forces to advance forward to reinforce his forces at the front. This pushed the soldiers at the front further into the enemy, and thousands of German warriors began to pour out of the woods to attack up close. The soldiers at the middle and rear of the column began to flee in all directions, but most of them were caught in the bog or killed. Varus realized the severity of his situation and killed himself with his sword. A few Romans survived and made their way back to the winter quarters at Xanten by staying hidden and carefully travelling through the forests.[34]
Campaigns after the Clades Variana
Campaigns of Tiberius
Campaigns of Tiberius and Germanicus in the years AD 10–12. In pink the anti-Roman Germanic coalition led by Arminius. In dark green, territories still directly held by the Romans, in yellow the Roman client states
It had become clear that German lands had not been pacified. After word reached Rome of Varus’ defeat, Augustus had Tiberius sent back to the Rhine to stabilize the frontier in AD 10. Tiberius increased the defensive capabilities of the Rhine fortifications and redistributed forces across the region. He began to improve discipline and led small attacks across the Rhine. Velleius reports Tiberius as having enormous success. He says Tiberius:[35][36]
penetrat interius, aperit limites, vastat agros, urit domos, fundit obvios maximaque cum gloria, incolumi omnium, quos transduxerat, numero in hiberna revertitur.[36]
penetrated into the heart of the country, opened up military roads, devastated fields, burned houses, routed those who came against him, and, without loss to the troops with which he had crossed, he returned, covered with glory, to winter quarters.[35]
—Velleius Paterculus 2.120.2 —Wells 2003, p. 202
According to Seager and Wells, Velleius’ account is almost certainly an exaggeration.[35][36] Seager says that Tiberius successfully applied tactics that he had developed in Illyricum, but that his attacks were “no more than punitive raids”. Tiberius did not get far in his conquest of Germany, because he was moving slowly as to not risk wasting lives. His advance was cautious and deliberate: he ravaged crops, burned dwellings, and dispersed the population. Suetonius reports that Tiberius’ orders were given in writing and that he was to be consulted directly on any doubtful points.[37][38]
Tiberius was joined by his adoptive son Germanicus for the campaigns of AD 11 and 12. The two generals crossed the Rhine and made various excursions into enemy territory, moving with the same caution as Tiberius had the year before. The campaigns were conducted against the Bructeri and the Marsi to avenge the defeat of Varus, but had no significant effect. However, the campaign, combined with Rome’s alliance to the Marcommanic federation of Marbod, prevented the Germanic coalition, led by Arminius, from crossing the Rhine to invade Gaul and Italy. In the winter of AD 12, Tiberius and Germanicus returned to Rome.[39][40][41][42]
Campaigns of Germanicus
Main article: Germanicus § Commander of Germania
Augustus appointed Germanicus commander of the forces in the Rhine the following year. In August AD 14, Augustus died and on 17 September the senate met to confirm Tiberius as princeps.[43] Roman writers, including Tacitus and Cassius Dio, mention that Augustus left a statement ordering the end of imperial expansion. It’s not known if Augustus actually made such an order, or if Tiberius found it necessary to stop Roman expansion as the costs were too great, both financially and militarily.[44]
About one-third of Rome’s total military forces, eight legions, were stationed in the Rhine following their redeployment by Tiberius. Four were in lower Germany under Aulus Caecina (the 5th and 21st at Xanten; the 1st and 20th at or near Cologne). Another four were in upper Germany under Gaius Silius (the 2nd, 13th, 16th, and 14th).[45]
Between AD 14 and 16, Germanicus led Roman armies across the Rhine into Germany against the forces of Arminius and his allies. Germanicus made great use of the navy, which he needed for logistics given the lack of roads in Germany at the time. The war culminated in AD 16 with the decisive victories of Idastaviso and Angrivarian Wall in which the Germanic coalition under Arminius was destroyed. Arminius himself barely managed to survive the conflict. Rome handed annexed lands over to friendly chieftains and withdrew from most of Germany, as they felt the military effort required to continue was too great in comparison to any potential gain.[46] Tacitus says the purpose of the campaigns was to avenge the defeat of Varus, rather than to expand Rome’s borders.[45]
Aftermath
Tiberius decided to suspend all military activities beyond the Rhine, leaving the German tribes to dispute over their territories and fight amongst each other. He was content favoring alliances with certain tribes over the others in order to maintain their conflicts against each other. He achieved less of his objectives in direct involvement than he had with diplomatic relations. In general, it was too risky to go beyond the Rhine, and it was too costly in economic and military resources than Rome could recover even if they had conquered all the lands between the Rhine and the Elbe.[46]
It is possible that a new attempt to invade Germania took place during the reign of Claudius, brother of Germanicus, with the expedition of Corbulo in 47, which was stopped in its tracks after initial successes against the Frisians and Chaucis.[47][48] It is not until Domitian that new territories were acquired, between the high valleys of the Rhine and the Danube, following the campaigns carried out by his generals between 83 and 85 (in what was called the Agri Decumates).[49] In 85, lands on the western side of the Rhine were organized into the Roman provinces of Germania Inferior and Germania Superior,[50] while the province of Raetia had been established to the south in what is now Bavaria, Switzerland and Austria in 15 BC.[51] The Roman Empire would launch no other major incursion into Germania Magna until Marcus Aurelius (r. 161–180) during the Marcomannic Wars.[52]
Germany GDP - $3tr
Germany gdp per capita - $45k
Italy GDP - $1tr
Italy gdp per capita - $31k
TLDR also Arminius was Roman
He was German.
@captain obvious nakumbuka hii story tukiargue. Even though the Romans failed to conquer Germania they ultimately won when the German barbarians adopted Roman culture, language and even religion.
They were Allies with the same vision.Germans never invaded Mussolini’s Italy.